In the lead up to the 2025 federal election, Woroni spoke with representatives from the ANU student clubs representing parliament’s two largest non-government parties: Vice President Will Garland of the ANU Liberal Club, and Malakai King, secretary of the ANU Greens. King and Garland’s responses revealed that, while both clubs focus on political engagement with like-minded students, there are significant differences in their approach to student life and political activism, suggesting that campus politics echo the dynamics of federal political competition.

Nationally, the Liberal National Coalition and the Australian Greens entered the election from different positions of opposition, with the liberals asserting themselves as the traditional alternative government, and the Greens hoping a growing voter share and favourable preferences could increase their influence as a third-party force on the crossbench. 

The Role of Political Clubs

Malakai King echoed the grassroots structure of the federal Greens movement and their focus on community organising to overcome funding disparities with major parties, stating that the role of clubs like his is to “bridge the gap between students and parliament”, and that the ANU Greens are “not a campus politics club, [they’re] a politics club on campus.” 

On a campus with a student body that tends towards progressivism, King sees the goal of the ANU Greens in formalising student engagement in political campaigns; the events and spaces provided by the ANU Greens are “designed to help people get involved with the party, policy making, and campaigning.”

The Liberal Party is the institutional opposition in Australia, with long-established local and youth divisions which allow their campus wing to function as “very much a social club”, per Garland, who distinguishes the ANU Club from the ACT branch of the Young Liberals organisation to whom they “leave most of the ‘deep’ politics.”

Where the ANU Greens hope to mobilise students off-campus, Garland says his club is as a “great outlet” for similarly minded students, made more significant given the party’s positions being self-acknowledged as “outside of the mainstream” at the ANU.

Student politics and ANUSA elections

ANUSA elections have historically been a microcosm of federal political competition, and campus tickets are regularly affiliated with national parties, either formally or as ‘open secrets’ as with the Labor-backed Change ticket in 2024. The ANU Greens and Liberals differ in their approach to student Union elections; the Liberals directly run the Liberal Party affiliated ticket which typically secures at best a few non-integral positions, while the Greens formally avoid student politics, despite the grassroot independents, or ‘Grindies’, label given to unaffiliated progressive tickets.

For Garland, the Liberal tickets like Progress for ANUSA in 2024, are “all about representation, giving people the option” even if students typically align with Labor or the Independents. He credits the “nice StuPol environment and robust community” at the ANU with any successes of the liberal movement on campus. Beyond the ticket organisation, federal parties and their political alignment had limited effect on tickets’ policies in 2024.

Garland acknowledged that “what made Progress so successful last year” was the Liberals placing the ANU’s controversial staff and course cuts as central to their policy, sharing other ticket’s recognition of student discontent, and differentiating itself by offering “alternative solutions”, and not necessarily traditionally conservative ones. While Progress joined other tickets, they took a noted stance against the increase of parking fees as a key issue.

Malakai King was firm in that his club is “not about ANUSA politics” and “includes people who have previously run on both [Labor and ‘Grindie’] tickets.” Given the club’s focus on linking campus organisation to state and federal politics, King argues that there is “so much more we can do” by “uniting” political clubs and being “ready to stand” against Vice Chancellor Bell’s cuts.

King emphasises that the ANU Greens “don’t ignore the issues” on campus, noting the presence of ANU PHD candidate and Greens ACT candidate Isabel Mudford at No Cuts at ANU rallies.

King recognises that “[students] are directly impacted by the decisions of politicians” and avoids drawing a line between StuPol and electoral politics when discussing, for example, his view that a “lack of action” by the Government on key issues of capital gains tax and negative gearing has increased the financial burden of attending university on students. In response, he suggests the ANU Greens’ focus on rallying students off-campus will affect the political roots of the funding crisis.

The opportunities for students to get involved in political campaigns, and why it is important

The federal Green party relies on targeted campaigns in viable seats to increase their representation, and King sees Canberra as one of these seats, in which winning Canberra would create “a voice in parliament that advocates for ANU students.” The party acknowledges their preference for balance-of-power over winning a parliamentary majority, and values victories in places like Canberra to create a “sign of change, a sign of a progressive Australia.” 

According to King, getting students “out on the streets” with the various activist groups with whom the Greens have strong relationships is as important as electoral campaigning. To win in Canberra, the ANU Greens echo the federal party’s strong grassroots drive and prioritise volunteers to build a campaign, particularly aware that students “don’t have the capacity to donate to political campaigns.” 

“But what we do have is time, and what we do have is energy, and what we do have is passion. It is volunteers that win community campaigns, and which can fill the gap where we don’t have the money of right wing campaigns or ACT Labor.” 

William Garland refuses to dismiss young people today as politically unaware, and cites his personal experience working on the 2025 campaign, and the amount of young people involved in recent election campaigns.

“I think the role of young people in campaigns really speaks to our importance within the realm of politics. We’re a generation that perhaps looks a bit misguided with politics, who are not as informed. But I would say the contrary. We’re a very politically involved generation, whether it be through [university clubs] or the actual ‘young’ movements of any party, I think we offer a lot.”

Garland believes that clubs and students mutually benefit one another, suggesting that engagement with politics is “vitally important to developing interesting ideas”. His message to students, even those who aren’t yet committed to a political organisation, is clear: “give it a try, and if you don’t like it, that’s ok.”

In emphasising the value of politically engaged young Australians, Garland identifies part of the burden facing modern conservative organisations. The Greens can mobilise an already progressive majority of young people into politics through a Club focused on action and organisation, but the Liberals first need to encourage young conservatives to identify with their cause, and ideally become card-carrying supporters of the party. If this is the goal, it is understandable that the Liberal Club at ANU prioritises welcoming even unsure students into a social club, providing opportunities for them to build the party’s youth base, without inherent commitment to joining the Liberal rank and file.

The 2025 election was the first time young and millennial voters (18-44) outnumbered the other voting blocs, forcing parties to reflect on how they courted both voters and volunteers from an emerging demographic. Given their party’s traditionally older loyal demographic and prevalence as a major party, it follows that youth engagement might be an area of particular focus for the ANU Liberals moving forward.

With thanks to William Garland and Malakai King