Greetings fellow students, my name is [SUPREME LEADER] and I am putting myself forward for the position of [PRESIDENT] of your student union! I am running on an [INDEPENDENT] ticket with fellow [STAUNCH UNIONISTS]. Vote 1 [INTERLINK ANUSA] for a [UNION] union.
I am running for [PRESIDENT] because, having spent the last year as [VICE SECRETARY], I’ve seen the breadth of what a [LEFT-WING ACTIVIST] union can do! In my term I will [ABOLISH CAPITALISM] and [BOMB THE CHANCELLERY]. I will advocate for and represent all students because I am one of you – a person.
I am a truly Independent candidate whose funding comes solely from [THE MILITARY INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX] and this means I am the best candidate to advocate for you and your interests, such as the expansion of [AUKUS].
I will personally achieve [FREE TERTIARY EDUCATION] by [DEFUNDING THE BKSS]. I am an [ENERGISED] and [AUTHENTIC] biological human being who truly has your interests at heart. I am sick of seeing our University troubled by [PESTILENCE AND LOCUSTS] and I will draw on my extensive experience in [CORPORATE LOBBYING] to put an end to this injustice. I plan to put an end to [SERVICE PROVISION] and will direct ANUSA’s resources to funding [SCHMIDTPOSTING DEBATES].
I know students are stressed about [COURSE CUTS], I will remove this uncertainty and stress by [CUTTING ALL COURSES]. I will bolster the rights of students on-campus by having the University recognise them as [LANDLORDS] and assigning them a [SECOND, POORER] student, to [PAY THEM A WEEKLY DIVIDEND].
I have lived on campus at [BURGLODGE] throughout my [LAW]/[LAW] degree and in that time I have become familiar with the struggles of the average student. I have met with and heard from a kaleidoscope of perspectives, ranging from [FIRST YEAR LAW STUDENT] to [SECOND YEAR LAW STUDENT] and this extensive consultation has informed my [112 PAGE POLICY MANIFESTO].
We have entered a hallowed time in our University’s political calendar. You can probably feel it in the air; the energy of texts flying from candidates begging for votes to people they met once two years ago charges each election season with the usual levels of hackiness and desperation. Nothing fills me with more nostalgia for elections gone-by than observing the same three people commenting on every Schmidtposting post, engaging in enlightened and nuanced debate which we all care very much about. Which one of your vaguely popular college friends will be approached to run for a General Representative position? Which of your vaguely popular college friends, who also happens to be a person of colour, will be approached to run for Treasurer?
But ultimately no position draws more clout, ire or admiration than ANUSA President. Step aside, Clubs/Education/Environment/Welfare Officers! Return to your agenda-making, General Secretaries! Go back to pining for the banishment of your prefix, Vice-Presidents! The President is the one who enjoys the privilege of sending all student emails, of having their name appear in the ANUSA wikipedia article, and of being mostly unknown according to Observer.
At the time of writing four candidates have signalled they believe their neck is strong enough to bear the heavy weight of the SSAF-bejewelled crown. It is not unheard of for the position to be uncontested, and yet it is a profoundly important one! The ANUSA President is expected to work full-time, prioritising the role even above their studies, and receive a salary of $54,000 indexed for inflation. The ANUSA President also typically nominates to be one of fifteen to sit on the ANU Council, a body which provides strategic oversight of the University, appoints senior leadership and ensures the financially responsible acquisition of more bus stops.
In theory, the ANUSA President is the person among us with the most enthusiasm for attending SRCs and answering emails, both profoundly burdensome tasks that I do not envy and you shouldn’t either. So what makes a President, beyond their obvious penchant for martyrdom? Who are they? Where do they come from? What were they even thinking?!?!
In this brief and amateur demography I will guide us on a tour through Ghosts of Presidents Past and find that the true meaning of the ANUSA Election is not the crown-bearer, but the friends we made along the way.
Scope:
This article examines the successful Presidential Candidates from 2003 to 2023. Where possible, I have collected data on the individuals’ gender, their schooling prior to university, their degree at the time of their election, notable positions the individuals occupied prior to their election, the Hall(s) the candidates lived in, the political affiliation of their ticket and any exhilarating miscellaneous facts. The Presidents covered in this piece are:
Ben Yates (2023), Christian Flynn (2022), Madhumitha Janagaraja (2021), Lachlan Day (2020), Eden Lim (2019), Eleanor Kay (2018), James Connolly (2017), Ben Gill (2015, 2016), Cam Wilson (2014), Aleks Sladojevic (2013), Dallas Proctor (2012), Fleur Hawes (2012), Leah Ginnivan (2011), Tully Fletcher (2010), Sham Sara (2009), Jamila Rizvi (2008), Claudia Newman-Martin (2007), Laura Crespo (2006), Aparna Rao (2005), Max Jeganathan (2004) and Steve Michelson (2003).
Sources covered to obtain this information were the individuals’ linkedin profiles; Woroni archives via the website, issuu and Trove; Observer articles via their website; the ANUSA Wikipedia page; some misc ANU articles; and Candidate posts via Facebook and Youtube.
Gender:
I’ll be honest, consistent with all other spheres of politics, I expected the data to show more of a sausage party than is present. Since 2003, there have been ten female Presidents and twelve males.
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The majority of Presidential scandals sit amongst the men, but we will detail those later. Meanwhile, some of the notable achievements of female presidents sit with Claudia Newman-Martin, who created new electoral disclosure requirements around tickets’ finances and expenditure in 2007, and Leah Ginnivan, who established the Student Housing Co-Op and is credited with being the first true independent candidate in 2011, triggering the streak of Independent success that persists today.
Schooling:
I could only find this information for seven of our Presidents, and they all went to private schools. Credit where credit is due though, we can at least say those presidents (and likely a few more within the undetermined lot) are representative of the broader ANU, also being majority private school students.
Degree:
The data shows that an ANUSA President can boast diversity when they don’t study a law degree. Yes, it’s a low bar, but the data doesn’t lie. Eleven of our candidates studied a flexible double degree comprising Law, and something else, most often Arts.
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The next most popular choice is a straight Bachelor of Arts, boasting two Presidents (Sara and Ginnivan) and the rest are groups of one. Ben Gill, our only two-term President, studied a Science/Engineering double degree – so we technically elected that degree twice.*
Prior Position:
Most Presidents don’t just waltz into ANUSA and immediately assume the position of Top Dog. Most Presidents work that greasy pole, and they work it hard.**
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Data shows ANUSA Presidents are highly likely to have done prior time in ANUSA. The cohort boasts three former Gen Secs and three former VPs, which neither confirms nor dispels the rumour that either of those positions are a pipeline to President. Ben Gill has the notable honour of having been ANUSA President before then becoming ANUSA President again (he was Queer Officer prior). Then we have appearances from a Treasurer and an Education Officer. If you weren’t previously in ANUSA you were probably the Editor-in-Chief of Woroni, which means there is hope for me yet!
Hall:
Is it essential to have been or currently be a member of a Hall to become the ANUSA President – yes, undoubtedly yes. Ideally as well you live at either Burgmann or a UniLodge, as both of these halls boast three Presidents each.***
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Ben Gill (again, the guy who got elected twice) is our only off-campus entrant, being from Griffin Hall.
Ticket Affiliation:
Whether they are independent or not, most ANUSA tickets have always known that calling yourself independent is just cooler. “Independent” just has a sex appeal that “funded by Labor” can’t beat. This made this portion of the data somewhat difficult, because most of the tickets that were funded and populated by Labor preferred to identify as Independent. Still, Labor hasn’t held office in ANUSA since Ginnivan’s victory in 2010, leading us to four Labor Presidents and fourteen Independents.****
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The process of identifying whether someone was Labor in disguise was greatly aided by discerning Woroni reporting. An interesting story emerged in Jamila Rizvi, who is said to have “orchestrated” her predecessor, Claudia Newman-Martin’s, success by sourcing Labor Party money and resources. Rizvi then endorsed Sham Sara, who would become her successor, while she herself was still President. Sara was a former Kevin Rudd intern and Rizvi worked in Rudd’s office immediately following the end of her Presidential term. Sara’s ticket was convened by the ANU Labor Club’s President and Labor Club members assisted in the campaign. Sara and Rizvi both claimed to be Independent, but having presented the facts, I will leave the final verdict up to you.
After Rizvi delivered her an election victory, Newman-Martin moved to change regulations to prevent such arrangements and require greater transparency around ticket funding and expenditure. Rizvi and then Labor Club President, Josh Gordon-Carr, attempted to end the ANUSA Ordinary General Meeting and kill Newman-Martin’s agenda. They staged a Labor Party walkout and the OGM lost quorum, however Newman-Martin managed to restore quorum and passed her regulations.
Misc
2003 President Steve Michelson resigned from Bill Shorten’s office in 2017, after a photo of him in blackface emerged. Michelson also identifies as a ‘proud dad’ on Linkedin, which is wholesome.
2010 President and former Woroni Editor-in-Chief, Tully Fletcher, initiated the separation between Woroni and ANUSA, allowing Woroni editorial independence for the first time in its then sixty year history.
2012 President Fleur Hawes was forcibly removed from office due to academic exclusion after she failed more than 50% of her courses across two semesters. Her replacement, also 2012 President, Dallas Proctor, only held office for a few months before he fucked off on exchange to America.
2014 President and former Woroni Editor-in-Chief, Cam Wilson, survived a motion of no confidence led by members of various Departments over grievances with how ANUSA Departments are funded. Wilson nowadays is a very good reporter for Crikey.
2023 President Ben Yates notoriously dropped an 80 page manifesto– uhhh policy document and will personally liberate us from the tyranny of ANU Parking.
Who will the next President be?
Campaign Launch
Post-Script:
Here’s a list of all the ticket names discussed above to prove they’ve always been shit: Momentum Nexus, Excite Nexus, Innovate, Engage, Golden Ticket, Back to the Future, Common Thread, Bounce!, Connect, Let’s ANUSA, Amplify ANUSA, Lift ANUSA, Refresh ANUSA, Turn Over a New Leaf, Brighter Together, Grassroots ANUSA and Power in Community.
*Information for Max Jeganathan could not be found.
**Information for Aleks Sladojevic, Fleur Hawes, Leah Ginnivan, Sham Sara, Jamila Rizvi, Claudia Newman-Martin, Aparna Rao, Max Jeganathan and Steve Michelson’s prior positions could not be found.
***Information for Madhumitha Janagaraja, Cam Wilson, Aleks Sladojevic, Leah Ginnivan, Tully Fletcher, Sham Sara, Jamila Rizvi, Claudia Newman-Martin, Laura Crespo, Aparna Rao and Max Jeganathan could not be found.
****Information for Laura Crespo, Aparna Rao, Max Jeganathan and Steve Michelson could not be found
Comments Off on Greenwashing Our Drowning Futures: A Call to Action from the South to the North
We are not facing a climate crisis that is imminent in the distant future. But we are in the middle of a climate catastrophe as we speak. While here in Australia, much as in the rest of the Global North, we convene in siloed conferences and policy forums; discuss climate resilience and mitigation in hallowed halls and ivory towers; deliberate on what the future may hold in a still distant 2050 – a future with a projected global warming of 1.5 degrees Celsius – for millions of people across the world, 2050 is already upon them.
One-third of Pakistan has been submerged in the recent catastrophic floods. Between June to August this year, Pakistan’s southernmost provinces faced a 400 percent increase in their average monsoon rainfall. In addition to this, Pakistan is home to 7200 glaciers, the largest number in the world outside of the polar regions. Rising temperatures due to global warming are accelerating the Himalayan glacial melt in Pakistan at a much faster rate than previously anticipated by scientists.
Just in the recent catastrophe alone, 33 million lives were affected – more than the total population of Australia. This includes 16 million children, and 650,000 pregnant women without access to proper health services, with much of the infrastructure devastated. Four million acres of farmland has been destroyed, causing an acute crisis of food insecurity, and large swathes of the country are still underwater. While it has been estimated that the waters will take six more months to recede, the flood-ravaged lands are becoming breeding grounds for water-borne diseases – cholera, malaria, dengue – while experts warn the coming of a “second wave of death and destruction.”
Pakistan merits our attention for the sheer injustice of its people facing the worst brunt of climate catastrophe, while the country’s global share of carbon emissions is only less than 1 percent. An injustice that is compounded by a severe debt burden of $130 billion and crippling International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditionalities, including taxes on oil and electricity, at a time of an unprecedented disaster. Or the entrenched effects of colonial and imperial entanglements that relegate the country to a ‘no man’s land’ – whose worth is dictated merely by imperial interests and ‘strategic’ relevance to the Global North; and whose calls for immediate debt relief, as demanded by the Pakistani activist community, are drowned out by racialised tropes of ‘violence’ and ‘danger’. But Pakistan is also a glimpse into our collective future – a symbolic front for our advocacy as a country that is already ‘ground zero’ for the climate catastrophe and exhibiting the impact of the dreaded mark of 1.5 degree Celsius.
In this context, we are fast approaching the 27th Annual UN Climate Change Conference of Parties, or COP27. Previous conferences settled upon emissions reduction agreements as outlined in the Kyoto protocols or the Paris Agreement. Not only have these agreements been inadequate but they have also allowed governments to perpetuate climate vandalism through an ostensible facade of seeking climate solutions. Greta Thunberg called last year’s COP26 conference in Glasgow more of the same “blah blah blah”. She called for protests around the conference to reject the same old greenwashing, saying that “our hopes and ambitions drown in their empty promises.” The nature of the current climate catastrophes, if anything, expose the hollowness of such initiatives. Even if governments fully adhered to their emissions reductions as agreed upon in the Paris Agreement, the world would still reach apocalyptic levels of climate catastrophe everywhere in the coming decades. A worsening of the disastrous effects is already being felt.
The upcoming conference is set to be held in Egypt this year, even as Egyptian climate activists are protesting this charade of greenwashing and demanding more. The Sisi dictatorship has enforced draconian laws to limit access to information, including their country’s net carbon emissions and is continuing to warehouse hundreds of political prisoners in state prison cells. Recently, Alaa Abd El-Fattah, a high-profile democracy activist on a hunger strike, wrote a letter “about global warming because of the news from Pakistan” and raised concerns about the impending climate catastrophe that will reach us all. Highlighting the 33 million lives affected by the floods in Pakistan, he questioned the (in)adequacy of state responses as global warming continues. This letter, too, has been suppressed by the Egyptian authorities. Other democracy activists in Egypt have also called on climate activists around the world to not allow the Egyptian government to greenwash the dictatorship through the upcoming COP conference.
In Australia, we have a particular responsibility to answer these calls of solidarity from Egypt and Pakistan. Australia is one of the largest contributors to global fossil fuel emissions per capita, particularly from coal export emissions. These emissions are conveniently not counted in the Australian Labor Party’s latest climate bill. Such creative elisions and the absence of any enforceable targets have allowed the Labor party to plan a significant escalation of fossil fuel emission exports, by greenlighting the opening up of 106 new coal and gas projects whilst posturing to address the issue of emission reductions.
There is no lack of academic seminars on the impending climate crisis at the ANU. But beyond these siloed academic engagements, it is pertinent to ask where the university – as an institution – stands on climate change. It is imperative to move from knowledge production to action. The ANU itself has been the subject of a nearly decade-long divestment campaign. Students have overwhelmingly called for full divestment from fossil fuels in two referendums run by the student union ANUSA, first in 2014 and then again last year. The most recent data available to students indicates that our university still has large-scale investments in fossil fuel companies. There is also a shroud of opacity on the specificities of their investments. Without a clear breakdown of companies that ANU invests in, such as what they provided in 2016, we can’t be sure if ANU still invests in companies like Woodside Petroleum or big banks that finance coal projects as they did in that year. What we do know is that ANU’s infrastructure portfolio, which includes millions of dollars invested in the Kwinana gas-fired power station, actually increased its total carbon emissions by almost 23 percent last year. There are no enforceable targets in ANU’s investment portfolio as part of its ‘Below Zero’ campaign and its reports rely heavily on the discredited ESG exposure scores to demonstrate how environmentally sustainable they are.
That is why we have organised a speak-out for climate justice this Friday, the 28th of November to maintain the pressure. We cannot allow for the green-washing and climate vandalism carried out in our name. Or turn the demands for climate justice and debt relief from the Global South into “feel good” opportunities for the Global North to give paltry sums in “charity.” Despite the platitudes offered by elite institutions and state actors (be it ANU’s Socially Responsible Investment reporting, the Australian Labor Party, or those convening COP27) to set out tentative and non-enforceable targets, we are witnessing an unchecked expansion of fossil fuel extraction. Meanwhile millions of lives are already in the throes of disaster, their homes washed away, their farmlands and infrastructure devastated, with no return to normalcy in sight. This is only just the beginning. It is no longer tenable to discuss the climate crisis in terms of a projected future – when this future is already upon us.
Heba is a Pakistani student at ANU and Nick is a member of Socialist Alternative.
This article was written on the stolen land of the Ngunawal, Ngunnawal and Ngambri people. We pay our respect to Elders past, present and emerging and acknowledge that sovereignty has not been ceded. There is no climate justice without Indigenous justice.
At midday, on the 2nd of July, Garema Place was transformed into an amphitheatre.
A crowd of people had overflowed the square and arranged themselves to stand at attention to the amplified voice of protest – a marquee fitted with a PA system. The protesting assembly declared their intentions in the form of a forest of picket signs, disgusted by the overturn of Roe v. Wade. For the past fifty years the US Supreme Court’s landmark case has protected an individual’s right to choose.
The messages were varied in tone, but united in meaning; the cuttingly blunt and the mockingly witty.
“Abortion = Healthcare!” “Girls just want to have fundamental human rights!”
Approaching this scene, I was, for the first time, hit with the scale of the gathering. I wondered aloud who the intended audience of the demonstration was.
Surely, we weren’t seeking the attention of the offending American judiciary? Nor was our national government likely to be moved. Even supposing we did sway the heart of some MP, or an ACT Minister, what exactly did we expect them to do about the erosion of bodily autonomy in a country half-way around the world?
One of my companions knocked me out of my cynicism. She pointed out a pair of young girls, not older than five or six, accompanying their mother at the rally. One held a twig with a sheet of A4 paper taped to the end – a picket sign in miniature.
“There’s your audience.”
…
Packed into the square – steps and tables standing in for bleachers – we listened to a series of speeches. Topics ranged from the specific and horrific consequences of anti-abortion legislation, to the details of the Roe v. Wade decision, and strong calls for more radical and progressive reform in our own government. The style of the speakers also varied. The event saw touching personal storytelling, cautious optimism from veteran activists and firebrand oratory from the socialist contingent; all serving to unite and ignite the crowd with a potent mixture of outrage and hope.
At the close of the speeches, from somewhere within the audience, a drum started beating. We followed it, and our small armada of signs marched through Civic Square, the Legislative Assembly and the shopping centre. Loosely escorted by police, alternatively stoic and professional or enthusiastically supportive, we marched on the road. The slight sense of trespass and the disrupted traffic only added to our sense of importance and unity.
As the task of calling “What do we want?” and “When do we want it?” passed through the crowd like a baton, the accompanying “Abortion Rights!” and “Now!” echoed off the surrounding buildings; my mind turned again to who this was all for.
A week later, I don’t remember much of the speeches, nor do I remember those who gave them. What I do remember is their oratory skills and genuine passion for the cause. What I remember is the crowd. I remember when the speakers brought up some shameful statistics. I remember being appalled. And those around me shared my sentiment. When a story of strength or some progressive proposal was forwarded, I remember cheering – along with everybody else. I remember the beating of the drum, a bass note for our cries of support and denouncement.
In this way, by the fluctuations of hope and outrage, the consistency of our agreement, and the sense of group disobedience the assembly was turned from a collection of strangers to a unit with purpose. Group mentality, good versus evil, us and them; they’re old tricks, but undeniably effective.
…
A protest is a tool – like a crowbar or a chisel. It’s an instrument that works to effect change on a social system and its effectiveness, like any tool, depends both on the force generated by it, and the precision with which it is wielded. The elements that give a protest its force, how it generates and focuses the energy of its participants, are well studied, widely practiced, tried-and-true. But the matter of when and where to apply that energy, and who best to bring that force, these are open questions.
This is a solidarity march. In solidarity with a series of protests across the country – part of a larger demonstration as a warning to our own government. But this march is also for us, the marchers; in solidarity with one another. By gathering, marching, listening to speeches and making signs we reaffirm each other’s belief that reproductive rights are human rights, and that those rights are worth defending. We are all, in some way, those young girls; and we teach one another what their mother is teaching them – when our rights, our freedoms, and the principles we believe in come under attack, this is what we do.
Think your name would look good in print? Woroni is always open for submissions. Email write@woroni.com.au with a pitch or draft. You can find more info on submitting here.
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Letters to the Editor
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Comments Off on Every ANU Student Should be Worried About the Arabic Cuts
As you’ve probably heard, the ANU is in financial hot water. In October, Brian Schmidt told the Canberra Times that due to the global pandemic, there would be 194 staff cuts. These staff cuts have been accompanied by pay cuts for the top leaders, a deferred pay rise for staff, and increased borrowing by the university. So far, the College of Engineering and Computer Science has released its plan to reduce 21 positions. Within the College of Arts and Social Sciences, Arabic and Classics have been earmarked for changes in ‘academic profile’ to ensure programs are ‘strategic and viable’. Proposed changes for Classics involve changing the contractual structure of the department whereas for Arabic it involves cutting two of its three lecturers.
As someone who has studied Arabic for the last two years, I know that to deliver an adequate Arabic program with one lecturer would be impossible. Beginners, Intermediate and Advanced Arabic courses are run concurrently, each containing 5 hours of lectures a week and 1 hour of tutorials. It is simply not possible for one staff member to deliver 15 hours of lectures a week and run 3 hours of class. This isn’t even including courses like Media Arabic and Special Topics in Arabic.
Yet the university’s decision goes beyond these courseload issues, and I argue even students who don’t study the language should be concerned.
At ANU
Arabic is one of the most important languages in international relations. If the ANU hopes to best equip its students in their careers, a strong Arabic language program is an essential supplement. The ANU’s international relations department is ranked 8th globally and 1st in Australia. The program’s success, combined with the ANU’s connection to the Australian Public Service (particularly in foreign affairs), is a calling card for the university. In the Teaching Research and International Policy Project’s 2014 faculty survey of 5,139 International Relations scholars from 32 countries, 82.4% of respondents considered Arabic to be one of the three most important languages an IR student could possess. Of these scholars, 14.05% of respondents ranked Arabic as the most important language ‘for students to understand if they plan to pursue a professional career in foreign affairs’, while 32.34% ranked it second and 36% ranked it 3rd..
This makes sense. Revolutions, invasions, war, and terrorism have meant that the Middle East has proved to be a place of keen interest for international relations scholars over the past few decades. Its burgeoning democratic movements, the unceasing Israel-Palestine conflict, and the role of political Islam in domestic politics among a host of other issues, indicate that it will continue to be a key region within the field. This sentiment is echoed by the US government, who lists Arabic as a ‘critical language’, meaning increasing the number of bilingual speakers is of high priority, “for reasons of national security and economic prosperity”.
In Australian Society
Arab Australians and Arabic speakers have played a significant role in shaping the cultural and social fabric of Australia. Waves of migration from the Middle East has led to Arabic being the 3rd most spoken language in Australia. Nevertheless, we are marred by a past of racial discrimination, which in more recent times has been directed at our Islamic and Middle Eastern community.
While the most visceral outburst has been the 2005 Cronulla riots, others include the then Immigration Minister Peter Dutton suggesting that the Fraser Government made a mistake letting in Lebanese refugees, the election of openly Islamophobic politicians such as Pauline Hanson, Bob Katter and Fraser Anning, the rise of the ‘Reclaim Australia’ movement and the Australian connection to the 2019 massacre of 51 Muslims in Christchurch. We’ve also suffered lone wolf attacks perpetrated by members of the Arab and Islamic community including the Lindt café siege, Bourke street attack, Endeavour Hills stabbing and Parramatta shooting. Learning, speaking and teaching Arabic promotes cultural understanding and immersion, allowing a tempering of the extreme voices within our society who have attempted to shift anti-Arab and anti-Islamic discourse into the mainstream. It also facilitates the inclusion of isolated and disenfranchised groups of society from which homegrown terrorists have emerged.
In Foreign Affairs
David Frum, a staff writer for The Atlantic Magazine and supporter of the Iraq War suggested that the campaign was “undone by blithe assumptions, cultural ignorance and careless planning”. Australia as a part of the Multi-National force in Iraq is culpable in its lack of cultural understanding and false assumptions about the region. Ian Parameter claims the Australian approach to Iraq is “unprofessional”. In his article ‘What’s Wrong With Australia’s Middle East Policy?’, he describes interactions with ministers whose simultaneous ignorance, and importance in Australian Middle East decision making was concerning. It is clear our future foreign policy decisions will inevitably cost lives, what is not clear, is whether the same mistakes driven by ‘blithe assumptions’ and ‘cultural Ignorance’ will occur.
Learning Arabic is one of the most important ways by which we can better understand Arabic nations, cultures and societies. This will allow for more informed policy decisions based on a reality that we truly comprehend and appreciate, rather than ones built on ignorance and essentialism. Given ANU is known for its stream into the Australian Public Service, in particular the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, it’s not hard to imagine that those learning Arabic at ANU today will be making substantial contributions to Middle Eastern policy in the future. Without a viable Arabic program and Arabic speakers in government, we risk making foreign policy decisions in the dark, and consequently repeating the same mistakes which have cost many Australian and Arab lives.
Think your name would look good in print? Woroni is always open for submissions. Email write@woroni.com.au with a pitch or draft. You can find more info on submitting here.